Okinawa’s peace movement carves its own path
Fearful of a possible Taiwan contingency, the prefecture pursues diplomatic channelsThe Japan Times (Commentary)

The resumption of land reclamation to build military bases is causing grief in Okinawa Prefecture. And in the face of a possible Taiwan contingency, residents are concerned about the threat of their islands becoming a battleground once again.

But Okinawa is not downcast or standing still. New initiatives are being launched by its government and younger generation to ease regional tensions, including the rivalry between the United States and China — the reason behind a growing military presence in the prefecture.

“One more hardship in Okinawa's history of suffering.” These were the words, on Jan. 10, of Okinawa Gov. Denny Tamaki — who I have worked with closely for the past decade (the think tank I founded has provided counsel to the Okinawan government on several projects). On that day, the Okinawa Defense Bureau began reclamation of Oura Bay for the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to Henoko, in Nago city.

Since 1996, when the relocation plan was first proposed, Okinawans have voiced their opposition to the new base by electing candidates opposed to its construction, such as Gov. Tamaki, and voting against it in a 2019 prefectural referendum. For the past 20 years, sit-in protests have been held at the construction site without a day's rest to delay the work.

In the lead-up to Jan. 10, the reclamation process had come to a halt: Due to the discovery of soft ground off the area's coast, the central government had sought the prefectural government’s approval for a design change,
which was refused. After multiple lawsuits, Tokyo stripped the prefecture of its authority and gave its own approval on behalf of Gov. Tamaki.

Many constitutional and administrative law experts, including professor Takio Honda of Ryukoku University in Kyoto, have pointed out that this approval by proxy is contrary to the constitutional principle of local autonomy. In addition, the Local Autonomy Act describes the relationship between the central and local governments as one of equality and cooperation, and allows local authorities wide discretion in matters pertaining to them.

Another criticism, leveled at the defense bureau, is that it filed an appeal against the prefecture’s decision not to authorize the design change by pretending to be a private individual resorting to the administrative appeal system.

Despite these objections, the national government succeeded in overriding the prefecture and started the reclamation process.

Yet the base relocation will wreck a precious marine environment, take 12 years to complete and cost ¥930 billion — far more than the central government had initially planned. Above all, construction has begun in defiance of many Okinawans’ concerns.

Why, though, was this referred to as "one more hardship" by Tamaki?

Even the Japanese government acknowledges that the presence of U.S. military bases represents an excessive burden on Okinawa. This is not only due to the impacts of construction, but also limitations to local economic development — including the inability to access huge swathes of land where bases are located —environmental destruction as well as crimes and accidents committed by American soldiers.

Tamaki’s reference to history alludes to a trajectory that can be traced all the way back to the Japanese colonization of the Ryukyu Kingdom that began in the 17th century. A significant moment in this tragic history was the Battle of Okinawa, fought between Japan and the U.S. in the closing stages of World War II, in which one-quarter of Okinawa’s population perished. This was followed by the oppressive policies of the American occupation that continued until 1972.

Okinawa is now facing yet another challenge: It may become a battlefield again.

As U.S.-China competition intensifies, the possibility of a contingency in the event that China invades Taiwan is being widely discussed. This has led research organizations in Japan, the U.S. and other countries to create simulations of a Taiwan contingency in which, almost always, U.S. forces are deployed from military bases in Japan and, especially, Okinawa — located a stone's throw away from Taiwan.

In addition to the already substantial presence of the American military, several new Self-Defense Forces bases have also been built in Okinawa recently, and their joint military exercises with U.S. forces have intensified.

In the event of a Taiwan contingency and a counterattack, there is a strong possibility that Okinawa would be turned into a battlefield again. A poll conducted by several Japanese universities suggests that more than 80% of people in the prefecture believe that military bases there would be the target of attacks. Beyond this worst case scenario, even if an all-out war does not occur, continued international tensions will strengthen the U.S. military and SDF presence.

In this context, many Okinawans are committed to easing the Sino-American confrontation, giving new impetus to an already well-established peace movement.

In March 2023, the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly adopted an opinion paper calling on the Japanese government to engage in peacebuilding through dialogue and diplomacy.

On Jan. 18, the Council on Subnational Diplomacy — established within an advisory body to Gov. Tamaki — released a proposal for the prefecture to become a center of international peace creation and build a strong, flexible and self-sustaining economy, among other propositions.

Under Tamaki's leadership, a prefectural subnational diplomacy office was established and it will be upgraded in April to engage in diplomacy even more. In addition to the governor's already established visits to other countries, the diplomacy office will strive to strengthen prefectural offices overseas, promote ties between the local government, universities and business communities with foreign entities, and support island nations internationally.

This could serve as a model for other local governments and even the central government itself. For example, the governor has taken the initiative to visit China and Taiwan to promote dialogue and has remarked the importance of mitigating tensions in the region— a stance rarely adopted by the Japanese government.

It should be noted, moreover, that young people in Okinawa are increasingly taking action and speaking out. As the number of survivors who experienced the Battle of Okinawa dwindles, youth groups have promoted peace education by sharing the older generation’s war stories with high school students on school trips from mainland Japan. A project to hold regular dialogues with Taiwanese and Chinese citizens is also underway.

This is in sharp contrast to the tendency I have observed on the mainland, where the number of young people speaking out on social issues, not just ones related to peace, is limited.

Despite the many hardships they have endured throughout their history, the supple attitude of Okinawans, as well as their efforts and ingenuity, give me hope.

I cannot help but think about what Gov. Tamaki said to me the day after the Henoko land reclamation restarted: "The long, long battle has begun again. We don't fight all the time — sometimes we drink and sing with our friends — but when the time comes, we fight as one and give it our all."

Okinawa’s battle for justice is far from over.

This article was first published in The Japan Times (Mar 4, 2024)